Tag: Adam Bahar

Internationale Online-Reihe: Kirchenasyl und das globale Migrationsregime

vom BAG Asyl in der Kirche

Die englischsprachige Ankündigung finden Sie hier

Am 25. Mai, 2. Juni, 24. Juni und 18. Juni 2021 um 19:00 CET (Berlin)/ 13 p.m. EST (New York) – in englischer Sprache mit Simultanübersetzung ins Deutsche.

Die Teilnahme ist kostenlos, eine Anmeldung ist jedoch erforderlich unter: info@kirchenasyl.de

Auch eine Teilnahme an einzelnen Veranstaltungen ist möglich.

  1. Räume schaffen: Überleben und Sicherheit auf der Flucht – 25. Mai 2021, 19:00-20:30 CET/ 1:00 -2:30 p.m. EST
  2. Räume schaffen: Sicherheit und Empowerment während des Asylverfahrens – 2. Juni 2021, 19:00-20:30 CET/ 1:00 -2:30 p.m. EST
  3. Räume schaffen: Gegen Abschiebung und zum Aufbau transformativer Allianzen – 14. Juni 2021, 19:00-20:30 CET/ 13:00-2:30 p.m. EST
  4. Gemeinsame Diskussion: Reflexion und aktiv werden – 18. Juni 2021, 19:00-20:30 CET/ 1:00 -2:30 p.m. EST

Die tödlichen Tragödien im Mittelmeer und in der Wüste von Arizona sind die aktuell prominentesten Beispiele dafür, wie Menschen natürliche Grenzen in Orte des Todes verwandeln. Dennoch werden Mitglieder der menschlichen Familie immer Wege finden, sie zu überschreiten. Sie tun dies auf der Flucht, auf der Suche nach einem Ort der Sicherheit und für eine bessere Zukunft. Migration ist so alt wie die Menschheit selbst. Ebenso wie der Widerstand der Migrant*innen gegen die, die versuchen, die Migration zu kontrollieren.

In den letzten Jahren sehen wir eine zunehmende Militarisierung der westlichen Grenzregime, eine Ausweitung der Migrationskontrolle und die Externalisierung der europäischen und US-amerikanischen Grenzen auf den asiatischen, afrikanischen und lateinamerikanischen Kontinent. Gleichzeitig sehen wir eine verstärkte öffentliche Präsenz von Gruppen, die von Migrant*innen angeführt werden. Diese Gruppen lenken die Aufmerksamkeit auf die Brutalitäten der Grenzregime und versuchen, dagegen vorzugehen. Glaubensgemeinschaften in Nordamerika und Europa nutzen teilweise ihre Macht und ihre Privilegien, um Menschen auf der Flucht, während des Asylverfahrens und gegen die Abschiebung zu unterstützen. Dennoch würden nur Wenige ihre Kirchenasy-Praxis als Teil der vielfältigen Aktivitäten gegen die Grenzregime definieren. In unserer Webinar-Reihe wollen wir verschiedene Perspektiven zu diesen Themen erkunden und von den Kämpfen der anderen lernen.

Wir wollen die folgenden Fragen aufwerfen und diskutieren:

Wie schaffen es Menschen, trotz der Gewalt der globalen Migrationsregime sicher zu sein? Was können Glaubensgemeinschaften von den von Migrant*innen angeführten Kämpfen und dem Aktivismus gegen Grenzregime lernen? Wie können wir verhindern, Ungleichheit zu reproduzieren, während wir versuchen, die rassistische Spaltung zu überwinden, die diese Grenzregime nährt? Und wer rettet hier eigentlich wen vor wem?

Programm:

25. Mai 2021, 19:00-20:30 CET/ 13:00 -2:30 p.m. EST – Räume schaffen: Überleben und Sicherheit auf der Flucht

Maglaha Hamma aus Westsahara wurde in einem Flüchtlingslager im Südwesten Algeriens geboren und lebt dort bis heute. Sie arbeitet in den Bereichen Friedensbildung, Gewaltfreiheit und Menschenrechte. Maglaha war Leiterin der Organisation für Gewaltfreiheit in der Westsahara. Sie hat mit Kindern, Frauen und Jugendlichen gearbeitet, um trotz der Schwierigkeiten der Flüchtlinge und des anhaltenden Konflikts die Friedensbildung zu fördern. Derzeit ist sie Leiterin des Peace Dialogue Project in der Westsahara und unterstützt die Friedenscharta der Afrikanischen Union.

John Fife ist Mitbegründer der Sanctuary-Bewegung in Nordamerika in den 1980er Jahren, die Flüchtlinge aus Mittelamerika vor Abschiebung schützte und eine neue Underground Railroad von Mittelamerika nach Kanada schuf. Er war 35 Jahre lang Pastor der Southside Presbyterian Church in Tucson, Arizona, USA und wurde 1993 zum Leiter der Presbyterianischen Kirche in den USA gewählt. Er ist Mitbegründer der humanitären Hilfsorganisation „No More Deaths“, die Migrant*innen und Flüchtlingen im Grenzgebiet zwischen den USA und Mexiko lebensrettende Hilfe anbietet und die Menschenrechtsverletzungen der US-Regierung dokumentiert.

Tamino Böhm ist Einsatzleiter der Luftüberwachungsoperation von Sea-Watch. Die deutsche NGO betreibt mehrere Flugzeuge, um Menschen in Not aufzuspüren, Search-and-Rescue-Einsätze zu koordinieren und Menschenrechtsverletzungen im zentralen Mittelmeer zu verhindern, das die nachweislich tödlichste Grenzzone der Welt darstellt. Seit 2017 koordiniert er den Einsatz in einem sich ständig verändernden Umfeld zwischen Repression und schrumpfenden Räumen für Solidarität. Regelmäßig fliegt er Überwachungsflüge.

Moderation: Julia Mourão Permoser

Julia Mourão Permoser ist Senior Post-Doctoral Research Fellow an der Universität Innsbruck am Institut für Politikwissenschaft. In den letzten 15 Jahren hat sie zu verschiedenen Themen im Zusammenhang mit Migration, Menschenrechten und Vielfalt geforscht. Derzeit ist sie die Leiterin eines vierjährigen Forschungsprojekts über die Praktiken von Asylbewerber*innen in Europa und den Vereinigten Staaten, das vom Österreichischen Wissenschaftsfonds finanziert wird. Ihre Arbeit wurde in einer Reihe von internationalen Zeitschriften veröffentlicht, darunter Global Networks, Political Studies Review, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Journal of European Public Policy, European Journal of Migration and Law, und Religion, State and Society.

2. Juni 2021, 19:00-20:30 CET/ 13:00 -2:30 p.m. EST – Räume schaffen: Sicherheit und Empowerment während des Asylverfahrens

Claudia Gomez ist eine afro-kolumbianische Künstlerin, Ergotherapeutin, Flüchtling und ehemalige Bewohnerin des Romero House in Toronto, Kanada. Sie ist die Gründerin des Interkulturellen Kollektivs in Cali-Kolumbien und in Toronto, in dem sie als Aktivistin künstlerisch arbeitet (Tanz, Theater, Musik, Kunsthandwerk). Es geht ihr um Menschenrechte in Kolumbien im Allgemeinen und der afrokolumbianischen Bevölkerung im Besonderen. Sie ist Teil der Wahrheitskommission des Colombia Node Ontario, die sich um die Aufklärung der Wahrheit über das bemüht, was im Rahmen der bewaffneten Konflikte in Kolumbien (einem der grausamsten Konflikte der Welt) geschah und geschieht, und arbeitet seit 8 Jahren mit kolumbianischen Opfern bewaffneter Konflikte.

Marisa Limón Garza ist eine gebürtige Fronteriza mit über 18 Jahren Erfahrung in der Arbeit mit multikulturellen Gemeinschaften. Ihr Interesse gilt dabei der eigenen Interessenvertretung, der Bildung, der strategischen Kommunikation und dem Engagement in der Community. Derzeit ist sie stellvertretende Direktorin des Hope Border Institute, einer gemeinnützigen Organisation für soziale Gerechtigkeit, die in El Paso (Texas) Ciudad Juárez (Mexiko) und Las Cruces (New Mexico) arbeitet. Marisa hat einen Master-Abschluss in Pädagogik und einen Bachelor-Abschluss in englischer und spanischer Literatur von der University of Notre Dame und ein Zertifikat in Non-Profit-Management von der Georgetown University.

Elizabeth Ngari ist die Gründerin von Women in Exile, einer Initiative von Flüchtlingsfrauen, die 2002 in Brandenburg/Deutschland von Flüchtlingsfrauen gegründet wurde, um für ihre Rechte zu kämpfen. Sie beschlossen, sich als Flüchtlingsfrauengruppe zu organisieren, weil sie die Erfahrung gemacht haben, dass Flüchtlingsfrauen nicht nur durch rassistische Gesetze und diskriminierende Flüchtlingsgesetze im Allgemeinen, sondern auch als Frauen doppelt diskriminiert werden. ‚Women in Exile & Friends‘ wurde 2011 von Women in Exile und solidarischen Aktivistinnen ohne Flüchtlingshintergrund gegründet. Gemeinsam arbeiten sie in der Kampagne mit dem Titel „Keine Lager für Frauen! Alle Lager abschaffen!“

Moderation: Ilka Vega

Ilka Vega ist eine gebürtige Transfronteriza aus Ciudad Juarez (Mexiko) und El Paso (Texas). Sie hat einen Bachelor-Abschluss in Wirtschaft und in Nachhaltigkeit, Kultur und sozialer Gerechtigkeit von der Southwestern University und ist zur Zeit für ein Masterstudium im Bereich Innovation, Entwicklung und Nachhaltigkeit an der Universität Genf. Sie arbeitet seit über 10 Jahren mit NGOs zu den Themen Migration, Klimaschutz und Antirassismus. Von 2018 bis 2020 arbeitete sie am Hope Border Institute an der Seite von Marisa als Community Organizer und in der Administration. Ilka ist seit 4 Jahren Teil der Racial Justice Charter Support Group der United Methodist Women.

14. Juni 2021, 19:00-20:30 CET/ 13:00 -2:30 p.m. EST – Räume schaffen: Gegen Abschiebung und zum Aufbau transformativer Allianzen

Direkt zur Anmeldung

Ravi Ragbir ist Community-Aktivist und aktiv in der New Sanctuary Coalition NY (NSC), einer multireligiösen, von Migrant*innen geleiteten Organisation. Die NSC unterstützt und empowert Menschen, die sich im Einwanderungssystem zurechtfinden müssen. Die Programme der NSC zielen darauf ab, das System, das die Existenz von Einwanderern kriminalisiet, zu beleuchten und zu durchbrechen. Zu den Kernprogrammen gehören die Rechtsberatung, Begleitung, Anti-Haft Aktionen, Community Organizing und Lobbyarbeit.

Adam Bahar war Teil einer Gruppe von Flüchtlingen, die von 2012 bis 2014 den Oranienplatz in Berlin besetzten und später „Gast“ im Kirchenasyl einer Berliner Kirche. Als Aktivist setzt er sich seit Jahren für die Rechte von Flüchtlingen ein. Derzeit arbeitet Adam bei Glokal e.V., einer Organisation für politische Bildung mit antirassistischem und postkolonialem Ansatz.

Pfarrerin Anne Dunlap ist die Religionskoordinatorin von Showing Up for Racial Justice (SURJ), einem USA-weiten Netzwerk von Gruppen und Einzelpersonen, die sich für die Untergrabung weißer Vorherrschaft und Antirassismus einsetzen. Durch Community Organizing, Mobilisierung und Bildungsangebote bewegt SURJ weiße Menschen dazu, als Teil einer Bewegung für Gerechtigkeit zu engagieren und zu lernen, mit Leidenschaft und Verantwortlichkeit zu handeln.  Anne war Mitbegründerin der Sanctuary Coalition in Denver (Colorado). Die Sanctuary Bewegung der 1980er Jahren in den USA prägte ihr weiteres Engagement für soziale Gerechtigkeit.

Moderation: Noor Amr

Noor Amr ist Doktorandin der Anthropologie an der Stanford University und Koordinatorin der dekolonialen Studiengruppe Concerning Violence: A Decolonial Collaborative Research Group. Sie hat einen Masterabschluss in Religionsphilosophie der Harvard Divinity School, wo sie mit dem Dean’s Fellowship ausgezeichnet wurde. In ihrer Dissertation befasst sie sich mit Kirchenasyl in Deutschland, wobei sie Fragen der Souveränität, des Säkularismus, der Zugehörigkeit und der Staatsbürgerschaft berücksichtigt. In ihrer Arbeit untersucht sie ethnographisch, wie die Praktiken des Kirchenasyls die Grenzen der politischen Zugehörigkeit durch performative Akte neu definieren.

18. Juni 2021, 19:00-20:30 CET/ 13:00 -2:30 p.m. EST – Gemeinsame Diskussion: Reflexion und aktiv werden

Am 18. Juni laden wir alle Teilnehmer unserer Webinar-Reihe ein, mit uns über die Fragen zu diskutieren, die während der Webinare aufgeworfen wurden. Wenn Sie die anderen Teilnehmer treffen und in Kontakt bleiben möchten, sind Sie herzlich willkommen, auch wenn Sie nicht an allen drei Webinaren teilnehmen konnten. Wir werden die Themen unserer Webinare weiter diskutieren, aber auch einen Raum für Austausch und Netzwerken eröffnen. Das Treffen wird von Noor Amr, Julia Mourão Permoser, Ilka Vega und Ulrike La Gro moderiert.

Organisatoren:

Die Internationale Sanctuary Kampagne: Seit dem Entstehen der Sanctuary/Kirchenasyl-Bewegungen der 1980er Jahre (verbunden mit den Namen der Southside Presbyterian Church in Tucson/USA und der evangelischen Heilig-Kreuz-Kirche in Berlin/Deutschland) gibt es einen Austausch von Beteiligten auf beiden Seiten des Atlantiks. Im Jahr 2016 hat das Netzwerk, das seit den 80er Jahren besteht, die International Sactuary Declaration Principles herausgegeben, um die Bemühungen weltweit zu vereinen und als Leitfaden für die Reaktion der Basis auf die globale Eskalation der Vertreibung zu dienen.

Die Ökumenische BAG Asyl in der Kirche ist ein Netzwerk deutscher evangelischer, katholischer und freikirchlicher Kirchengemeinden, die bereit sind, Kirchenasyl anzubieten. Kirchengemeinden, die Flüchtlingen Asyl anbieten, fühlen sich aus ihrem christlichen Glauben heraus verpflichtet, Menschen vor Abschiebung zu schützen, wenn begründete Zweifel an einer sicheren Rückkehr bestehen. Diese Kirchengemeinden stellen sich zwischen die Flüchtlinge und die Behörden, um eine Überprüfung der Fälle herbeizuführen und eine Abschiebung zu verhindern. www.kirchenasyl.de  

Der Fellowship of Reconciliation USA (FOR-USA) gründete sich auf den Traum, in einer gerechten Welt mit sozialer Gleichheit für alle zu leben. Als älteste und größte Friedensorganisation mit mehr als 125 lokalen Mitgliedsorganisationen in den USA sind wir seit 1915 Teil des globalen Friedensnetzwerks des Internationalen Versöhnungsbundes (IFOR). Wir befassen uns mit krisenhaften Bürger- und Menschenrechtsproblemen durch gewaltfreien Aktivismus, Bildung und die Empowerment von Einzelpersonen und lokalen Gruppen an der Basis. Obwohl FOR-USA eine Geschichte des Aktivismus für globale Kämpfe hat, z.B. im Nahen Osten und in der Karibik, haben wir in den letzten Jahren unseren Fokus auf die USA und die Ursachen der Gewalt im eigenen Land verlagert. www.forusa.org

Wir danken der Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung für ihre großzügige Unterstützung.

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Sanctuary and the Global Migration Regime webinar series

The Fellowship of Reconciliation in partnership with the International Sanctuary Declaration Campaign and the Ecumenical Committee on Church Asylum (Germany) is pleased to announce a four-session international webinar series: “Sanctuary and the Global Migration Regime” to be hosted this May and June.

The programs will be held on May 25, June 2, June 14, and June 18, 2021, each webinar beginning at 1:00 p.m. US Eastern time (New York) / 19:00 CET (Berlin)/ 10:00 a.m. US Pacific (Los Angeles) – in English language with simultaneous interpretation into German.

Each 90-minute webinar is offered for free, with no cost to attend, but registration is required. To register via email, contact: info@kirchenasyl.de

  1. Creating places of survival and safety on the run (Tuesday, May 25, 2021)
  2. Creating spaces of safety and empowerment during asylum procedures (Wednesday, June 2, 2021)
  3. Creating spaces of safety when facing deportation and building transformative alliances (Monday, June 14, 2021)
  4. Reflection and Action (Friday, June 18, 2021)

The tragedies of death in the Mediterranean and in the Arizona Desert are the recently most prominent examples of how man-made borders turn natural boundaries into places of death. Still, members of the human family will always find ways to cross when being on the run and searching a place of safety and a better future. Migration is as old as humankind itself is. As is the resistance against those who try to control migration by those who migrate.

In recent years, we see an increasing militarization of the western border regimes, an expansion of migration control and the externalization of European and U.S. borders to the Asian, African, and Latin American continents. Also, we see an increased public presence of immigrant-led groups raising attention and action against the brutalities of the border regimes. Faith-based communities in North America and Europe have used their power and privilege to support people on the run, during the asylum procedures and against deportation. Yet, only few would see providing sanctuary as one part of diverse activities against border regimes and for justice and dignity. In our webinar series, we want to explore different perspectives on these issues and learn from each other’s’ struggles.

We want to raise and discuss the following questions:

  • How do people manage to be safe despite the violence of global migration regimes?
  • What should faith communities learn from immigrant-led struggles and activism against border regimes?
  • How can we not reproduce inequalities while trying to overcome the racist division that nurtures those border regimes?
  • Who is saving whom from whom?

PROGRAM SERIES:

May 25, 2021, 1:00-2:30 p.m. EDT: “Creating places of survival and safety on the run”

  • Maglaha Hamma, from Western Sahara, was born and lives in refugee camps in southwestern Algeria. She works in peace building, nonviolence, and human rights. Maglaha was the head of the nonviolence organization in Western Sahara. She has worked with children, women, and youth to promote peace building despite the difficulty of refugees and the ongoing conflict. She is currently head of the Peace Dialogue Project in Western Sahara and advocate of the African Union Peace Charter.
  • John Fife is the co-founder of the Sanctuary Movement in North America in the 1980’s that protected refugees from Central America from deportation and created a New Underground Railroad from Central America to Canada. He served as Pastor of Southside Presbyterian Church in Tucson, Arizona, U.S.A. for 35 years, and was the elected leader of the Presbyterian Church, USA in 1993. He is a founding volunteer of the humanitarian aid organization No More Deaths, providing life-saving services to migrants and refugees on the US/Mexico borderlands and documenting the violations of human rights by the US government.
  • Tamino Böhm is Head of Mission of the aerial surveillance operation of Sea-Watch. The German NGO runs multiple airplanes to detect people in distress, coordinate Search-and-Rescue efforts, and prevent human rights violations in the Central Mediterranean Sea, which constitutes the deadliest recorded border zone in the world. Since 2017 he has coordinated the operation and designed the mission goals along an ever-changing environment of repression and shrinking spaces for solidarity. On a regular basis he performs monitoring flights on board airplanes. 
  • Julia Mourão Permoser (moderator) is Senior Post-Doctoral Research Fellow at the University of Innsbruck, Department of Political Science. For the last 15 years she has been researching various issues related to migration, human rights, and the governance of diversity. Currently, she is the principal investigator of a four-year long research project on sanctuary practices in Europe and the United States, financed by the Austrian Science Fund. Her work has been published in a range of international journals, including Global NetworksPolitical Studies ReviewJournal of Ethnic and Migration StudiesJournal of European Public PolicyEuropean Journal of Migration and Law, and Religion, State and Society.

June 2, 2021, 1:00-2:30 p.m. EDT: “Creating spaces of safety and empowerment during the asylum procedures”

  • Claudia Gomez is an Afro-Colombian artist, Occupational Therapist, refugee, and former resident of Romero House / Toronto. She is the founder of the Intercultural Collective Ethnicities in Cali-Colombia and in Toronto as well, in which she works as an activist through the arts (dance, theater, music, handcrafts), demanding human rights in Colombia in general and in the Afro-Colombian population in particular. She is part of the Truth Commission of Colombia Node Ontario which is looking for clarifying the truth about what happened and is happening in the frame of armed conflicts in Colombia (one of the largest and most cruel conflict around the world) and has been working with Colombian victims of armed conflicts for eight years.
  • Marisa Limón Garza is a native fronteriza with over 18 years of experience engaging multicultural communities through the lens of advocacy, education, strategic communications, and community involvement. She currently serves as deputy director of the Hope Border Institute, a social justice nonprofit organization working in El Paso TX, Ciudad Juárez, Mexico, and Las Cruces, New Mexico. Marisa holds a master’s in education and bachelor’s in English and Spanish literature from the University of Notre Dame and a certificate in nonprofit management from Georgetown University.
  • Elizabeth Ngari is the founder of Women in Exile, an initiative of refugee women founded in Brandenburg/Germany in 2002 by refugee women to fight for their rights. They decided to organize as a refugee women’s group because they have made the experience that refugee women are doubly discriminated against not only by racist laws and discriminatory refugee laws in general but also as women. ‘Women in Exile & Friends’ was formed in 2011 by Women in Exile & activists in solidarity without refugee background. Together we conduct the campaign titled “No Lager for Women! Abolish all Lagers!”
  • Ilka Vega (moderator) is a native transfronteriza from Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, and El Paso, Texas. She holds a B.A. in Business and in Sustainability, Culture, and Social Justice from Southwestern University and is currently studying a MSc. in Innovation, Human Development, and Sustainability at the University of Geneva. She has worked for over 10 years with NGOs on issues of immigration, climate action, and racial justice. From 2018 to 2020, she worked at Hope Border Institute alongside Marisa, as Community Engagement and Administrative Specialist, and has served for four years as part of the Racial Justice Charter Support Group of the United Methodist Women.

June 14, 2021, 1:00-2:30 p.m. EDT: “Creating spaces of safety when facing deportation and building transformative alliances”

  • Ravi Ragbir is a community activist with the New Sanctuary Coalition NY (NSC), a multi-faith immigrant-led organization that creates support systems for and empowers those navigating the immigration system. NSC’s grassroots programs are designed to shine a light on and disrupt the systems that criminalize immigrants’ existence. Core programs include the pro se immigration clinic, accompaniment, anti-detention, and community organizing and advocacy.
  • Adam Bahar was part of a group of refugees who occupied Oranienplatz square in Berlin from 2012 to 2014 and later became a “guest” in sanctuary in a Berlin church. He has been an activist advocating for refugee rights for years. Adam is currently working with Glokal e.V., an organization for political education from an anti-racist and post-colonial approach.
  • Rev. Anne Dunlap is the Faith Organizing Coordinator for Showing Up for Racial Justice (SURJ), a national network of groups and individuals working to undermine white supremacy and to work for racial justice. Through community organizing, mobilizing, and education, SURJ moves white people to act as part of a multi-racial majority for justice with passion and accountability.  Anne co-founded the Denver CO sanctuary coalition, and was brought into justice work through the sanctuary movement in the U.S. in the 1980s.
  • Noor Amr (moderator) is a doctoral student in Anthropology at Stanford University, and the coordinator of Concerning Violence: A Decolonial Collaborative Research Group. She holds a M.T.S. in Philosophy of Religion from Harvard Divinity School, where she was awarded the Dean’s Fellowship. Her dissertation research concerns church asylum in Germany, with attention to questions of sovereignty, secularism, kinship, and citizenship. Her work ethnographically examines how sanctuary practices work to reimagine the boundaries of political belonging through performative acts of relatedness.

June 18, 2021, 1:00-2:30 p.m. EDT: “Reflection and Action”

On June 18th, we invite all participants of our webinar series to join our discussions about the questions raised during the webinars. If you want to meet the other participants and stay connected, you are welcome to join us even if you couldn’t participate in all three webinars. We will further discuss the topics of our webinars but also open a space for exchange and networking. The meeting will be facilitated by Noor Amr, Julia Mourão Permoser, Ilka Vega, and Ulrike La Gro

ORGANIZERS:

The International Sanctuary Declaration Campaign: Ever since the Sanctuary Movements of the 1980s (connected with the names of the Southside Presbyterian Church in Tucson, Arizona/USA and the protestant Heilig-Kreuz-Kirche in Berlin/Germany) there has been an exchange of people involved on both sides of the Atlantic. In 2016, the network that was build up since the 1980s issued the International Sanctuary Declaration Principles (tinyurl.com/global-sanctuary) to globally unite efforts and can be used to guide grassroots and governmental response to the global escalation of displacement.

The Ecumenical Committee on Church Asylum/German Sanctuary Movement (Ökumenische BAG Asyl in der Kirche) is a network of associations of German protestant, catholic and free/evangelical church parishes ready to offer church asylum. Parishes offering asylum to refugees feel bound by their Christian faith to protect people from deportation from the territory, if there is reasonable doubt concerning a safe return. These parishes place themselves between refugees and the authorities in order to bring about a re-examination of cases and to prevent deportation. www.kirchenasyl.de

Fellowship of Reconciliation USA (FOR-USA) works to organize, train, and grow a diverse movement that welcomes all people of conscience to end structures of violence and war, and create peace through the transformative power of nonviolence. As the oldest interfaith peace and justice organization in North America, with more than 80 grassroots affiliates, FOR-USA has been an active national branch of the International Fellowship of Reconciliation’s (IFOR) global peace network since 1915. We address crisis-level civil and human rights issues through nonviolent activism, advocacy, education, and the empowering of individuals and local communities at the grassroots level.  www.forusa.org

We thank Rosa Luxemburg Foundation for their generous support.

Solidarität mit Adam Baher – Rassistische Kriminalisierung stoppen!

Aufruf zur solidarischen Prozessbegleitung am Di, 19.11.2019 um 13:45h im Amtsgericht Tiergarten

5 Jahre nach der gewaltvollen Räumung des Protestcamps am Berliner Oranienplatz eröffnet die Berliner Staatsanwaltschaft einen Prozess gegen den bekannten Refugee-Aktivisten Adam Baher. Adam engagiert sich seit Beginn der selbstorganisierten Protestbewegung für die Rechte von Geflüchteten, gegen Rassismus und Polizeigewalt. Nun muss er sich selbst gegen polizeiliche Willkür unter dem Vorwurf des Widerstands gegen Vollstreckungsbeamte vor Gericht verteidigen.

Die Anklage gegen Adam kommt mit mehr als fünf Jahren Verspätung. Zufall ist dies wohl kaum, denn er hatte vor kurzem die deutsche Staatsbürgerschaft beantragt. Dies wurde seitens der Berliner Staatsanwaltschaft offenbar zum Anlass genommen, Ordnung in ihre Aktenberge zu bringen und gleich noch ein Exempel an einem bekannten politischen Aktivisten zu statuieren. Solange das Strafverfahren offen ist, ist der Weg zur Staatsbürgerschaft für Adam erstmal blockiert.

Das Protestcamp am Oranienplatz erlangte zwischen 2012 und 2014 weit über Berlin und Deutschland hinaus an Bekanntheit und symbolisiert bis heute einen zentralen Ort des Protestes von selbstorganisierten Geflüchteten gegen das deutsche und europäische Asylregime. Die Bewegung nahm ihren Anfang 2012, als sich Geflüchtete aus unterschiedlichen Ländern in einem Protestmarsch von Würzburg nach Berlin aufmachten und ein Protestcamp mitten in Kreuzberg errichteten. Sie forderten die Abschaffung des Lagersystems, einen Abschiebungsstopp und die Abschaffung der Residenzpflicht. Das Camp war ein zentraler Ort, von dem aus tägliche Widerstandsaktionen geplant wurden und politischer Druck ausgeübt wurde.

Den politisch Verantwortlichen und den staatlichen Behörden war das Camp bald ein Dorn im Auge. Im April 2014 begann die Berliner Polizei unter Aufsicht der Grünen Bezirksbürgermeisterin Monika Herrmann und der damaligen Sozialsenatorin Dilek Kalayci (ehem. Kolat, SPD) mit der Räumung des gesamten Platzes. Zuvor hatte der Senat mithilfe einer Teile-und-Herrsche-Strategie eine “Einigung” mit einem Teil der Geflüchteten herbeigeführt. Selbst der Infopunkt, für den eine unbefristete Genehmigung vorlag, die in den Verhandlungen nochmals bestätigt worden war, wurde geräumt: Adam bestand auf seinem Recht, an diesem Infopunkt über den Protest und die politischen Forderungen der Geflüchteten zu informieren. Die Beamt*innen der Berliner Polizei nahmen ihn unter Anwendung von physischer Gewalt in Gewahrsam. Ein Jahr später, 2015, wurde er auf dem Oranienplatz erneut willkürlich und scheinbar aus dem Nichts gewaltvoll festgenommen und in Handschellen gelegt.

Wie in so vielen Fällen von Festnahmen von People of Color ging die Polizei unverhältnismäßig gewaltsam gegen ihn vor und informierte ihn nicht über die Gründe für seine Festnahme. Wie in so vielen Fällen von Polizeigewalt wird er zudem nachträglich kriminalisiert, um die polizeilichen Angriffe gegen ihn zu rechtfertigen. Wie in so vielen Fällen wird versucht, Migrant*innen davon abzuschrecken, sich für ihre Rechte einzusetzen.

Die jetzige Anklage gegen Adam ist ein weiteres Symptom für ein rassistisches System, in dem der Protest und die politischen Forderungen von geflüchteten Menschen in Deutschland kriminalisiert werden. Strafrecht wird systematisch dafür missbraucht, rassistische Polizeigewalt zu vertuschen, Migrant*innen mundtot zu machen und ihnen Möglichkeiten auf aufenthaltsrechtliche Sicherheit zu verbauen.

Adam: „Es ist schwierig, sich in die deutsche Gesellschaft zu integrieren, wenn der Staat die Wege dazu immer wieder selbst blockiert. Schwarze Menschen müssen in Deutschland tagtäglich gegen Racial Profiling und buchstäblich ums Überleben kämpfen. Aber unser Kampf wird weitergehen.“

Wir stehen Seite an Seite mit Adam und allen, die von rassistischer Polizeigewalt und Kriminalisierung betroffen sind. Kommt zum Prozess am Amtsgericht Tiergarten, Turmstraße 91, 10559 Berlin, am 19. November um 13:45 Uhr im Raum 672! Wir treffen uns bereits eine halbe Stunde früher, um 13:15 Uhr, vor dem Gebäude.

Für die Begleichung der Verfahrenskosten sind wir auf eure Solidarität angewiesen. Bitte spendet an die unten angegebene Kontoverbindung!

Gegen rassistische Polizeigewalt!
Rassistische Kriminalisierung stoppen!
Solidarität mit Adam Baher!

Verwendungszweck: Adam

Rote Hilfe e.V.

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Sudan Revolution Interview

T: We already know you from the Oranienplatz resistance but can you introduce yourself a bit?

A: Adam Bahar. I am coming from Sudan. I’m born in Sudan but I’m in Germany since 2012. Politically active in Sudan since 2002. I was in university fighting for the right of the people of Sudan and against the dictatorship. Also especially because I am coming and I was born in Darfur, where there is war since 2003.

That’s why my main motivation was to start something against the government. Also when I was in this time in university and I was part of a group of Sudanese students organizing themselves. We were organizing ourselves for democracy and people of Darfur.

Result out of that is that we got in trouble with the government and I had to leave Sudan. I came to Europe in 2008 and I was in different countries of Europe. I lived in Greece, Italy, France for 2 years and in 2012 I came to Germany.

T: Our first question is what is the actual situation in Sudan? There was an agreement between Forces of Freedom and Change and the military. And some organizations like Sudan Communist Party told we are getting out from this agreement. Were there other groups inside Forces of Freedom and Change that got out from the agreement?

A: Actual situation in Sudan right now: last week (17th of July, 2019), they signed on the Sudanese constitution transition process. They signed the first letter and it will be completed on 17th of August 2019.

In the first form of the new cabinet there will be 6 people from the opposition parties and 5 people from the military. They will form the cabinet together and power will be hold first 18 months by military and other 18 months by civilian government. New government is supposed to initiate after the 3 years of transition.

But it is just the first part of the whole constitution in Sudan. Second part, there will be a president, there will be a parliament and 67 percent of the parliament will be from the opposition parties which the people are inside and leading the revolution. 33 percent of the parliament will be from the people who were not really taking participation in the revolution but they were also against government and they never worked with the old government of Omar al-Bashir. And the third part of the constitution all the people like youth and women will be the part of parliament.

Sudan in the future will have a parliamentarian government and ministries will have the real power. It will not be like before with only the president having the power. Like how we are having in Germany for example. There is president but president doesn’t have so much power. In Germany there is chancellor – in Sudan we will have prime minister. Also there will be opposition parties.

The problem between the Sudanese Communist Party and the other parties is they don’t want to be a part of the government of the transition period. 5 people from army and 6 people from civilians. Because these 5 people from the army that will take part in, are accused to committing crimes against the people who were protesting in the streets. So Communist Party will not participate in this. But the communist party will be part of the future parliament, because there won’t be any army in the parliament. At the same time they will continue to take part in local politics. They will not just participate in the first level of government where the army that are being accused.

Sudan has been all the time, since 1965, the time when it gained independence from Great Britain, governed by the army. It means army is governing Sudan more than 60 years now. And to take them out completely needs some time.

T: The revolutionaries around the world are curious about how this revolution was being organized? In the neighborhoods – what were the people talking and discussing?

A: The revolution started in December 2018 and it started not because changing of the political situation but started because of the price of bread, which increased 3 times. It started in a marginalized area of Sudan called Atbara where just students of a school went out to the street and demanded to get a bread. Somehow police and security service started reacting violently against the people and killed many students. After that, other people joined this protests of the kids. And because of that, they were really angry and burned the building of the party of Omar al-Bashir, the National Congress Party. The next day people from different cities also went into solidarity with Atbara. Thats how the revolution started.

Before that, we have to also link it to the history. This is not the first revolution in Sudan. But there were two revolutions, 1946 and 1958. And all the time who were pushing for the revolution are the worker unions. When Omar al-Bashir came to power, first thing he did is to crack down all the worker unions. The idea behind it was that the worker unions cannot take any position to fight the government. The Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA) started in 2012 to create an autonomous worker union and they first started with lawyers and doctors. Since 2012, they were just fighting for the worker rights like minimum wage etc. By this way they organized many members inside.

SPA had one demonstration register right of the workers and rise of the minimum wage. 2 days before what happened in Atbara. When they see what’s happening in Atbara they took the lead. And they changed the demand of the demonstration. Not only for the minimum wage, they called all the citizens to join them and putting down the regime of Omer al-Bashir.

This is how SPA took the lead. It was also an autonomous structure where no one knows who they are. But somehow they have been existing since 2012. They called in Facebook all citizens of Sudan to participate and organize themselves. At the same time there were local organizations working in districts called “Sudanese Resistance Committees”. It was created by people seeing themselves not a part of SPA but rather like “I need to participate in revolution”. And they made small groups consisting of 4-5 people. Those people know each other very well. By this way, 15-20 groups are created in every district. And no one knows who is inside of other groups. And they were going to demonstrations together.

At the same time, more people were joining also autonomously structured SPA and starting politically to have this demand. Then after 1 months of beginning, on 1st of January 2019, SPA made a call for a paper called Freedom and Change. In this paper there were suggestions how Sudan should be governed in the future. They said we need a democratic Sudan, this government has to go without any discussion. We don’t want Omer al-Bashir, we don’t want his government anymore. We need Sudan to be democratic country where people feel participating in politics, autonomously deciding for themselves.

They called all opposition parties if they agree on this paper to sign. For example the Sudanese Communist Party, the Sudanese Umma Party, the Sudanese Union Party signed it. And were part of the coalition. Also different political groups and civil society groups signed this paper.

There were 3 different groups who were working in revolution. One group SPA, another group local committees doing practical work mobilizing people to streets, tell them about the demonstrations. SPA was calling for the demo and organizing it.

What made this revolution successful is the local structure. You know, structure is built in this way but no one knows who is inside the structure. It was local in every place and it still exists until now. In this period of transition time of 3 years nothing will stop their mobilization and work. Every day they are doing different kinds of activism. They go to the streets, visiting the local people in the neighborhoods, visiting and supporting the people whose relatives or friends are killed. This is the structure that remained until now. This kind of structure is really helping because people will not rely on political parties still they will have their own structure in a local way. To guard the revolution and don’t let dictatorship to come again.

For example, in the last two days, one political party opened new office in Sudan and local people directly went there and asked where they took the money from to open this office. Because it was a nice place, in the middle of the country. Maybe it was funded by corruption and we don’t want corruption anymore in Sudan.

T: A woman in the revolution said: “Not the bullets but the silence is killing us.” How the people came to that point to sacrifice their life, how they came to this point? We know also that women took an important part in the revolution.

A: This has to do how much women were under repression from this regime. Because this regime of Omar al-Bashir is since 30 years like Muslim Brotherhood regime. Holding power in Sudan in the name of Islam, Sharia law. Unfortunately, when there is Sharia law, first things they do is to control woman. Women are not allowed to sit in public spaces, women are not allowed to wear trousers or other clothes, or in an area they cannot do this job because men are there. There were some universities just for women or just for men. These were happening for a long time since beginning of this government.

But in 2002 there was a law called Public Order Law with laws inside that were clearly against women. Since 2002-2003, women started to fight against this law and organized themselves. This also made women more experienced and have their autonomous structure. When this revolution started, women were already ready. That’s why when we see women on the streets it’s something normal.

Now in the new constitution paper that they signed, government has to support the rights of women. For example, in the parliament women will have a 40% quota.

We still see it’s not enough, because we need to also change the old structure of the opposition parties. Because in many parties women are not really presented. In the negotiation group there is just one or two women, the rest is men. Because of opposition parties who were not participating political work since 30 years in Sudan. They had to only work underground and that made it for women not so easy to participate. By writing this in constitution and pushing the political parties to change their structures, it will be possible for women to participate equally in Sudan.

T: People participating in the revolution didn’t really use violent methods. The reason was because they couldn’t obtain guns or was it a decision from the beginning?

A: I think you have to look to the history of Sudan. In Sudan, there has been war between North and South for 20 years. And the result of it is that South Sudan was born into new country in 2010. There is war in Darfur since 2003, there is war in Nuba Mountain and Blue Nile since 2011. And result of that more than 2 million people got killed, millions of people had to flee. Since 20 years people are getting killed and fleeing because of that reason.

People had this idea in their mind that we can not change this dictator with weapon anymore. Because also Darfur and in Nuba Mountain different groups are fighting against the government with weapons since 2003 and 2011. But they haven’t achieved anything. Because government has always more weapons. And people decided that the only method we can use is a peaceful revolution. For this, we are not going to use any violence against anyone. Because, if we use violence we are not stronger enough than the government. The government has more power to use violence and it gets supported by other countries like Saudi Arabia, Qatar, even Egypt. All these countries also don’t want Sudan to become a democracy.

Because civil disobedience has more success than using violence. That is what people learned from the history of Sudan. Also learned from the outside, for example what is happening in Syria. Using weapon against weapon collapses the country, but not bringing the people to power. That’s why we say all the time in Sudan, revolution is also about learning, about learning internationally from each other.

The same things happening in Rabaa al-Adawiya revolution in Egypt. All dictatorships learn from one book, but the interesting thing is that people doing the revolution they learn better than dictatorships. In Sudan, the army evicted them with violence and the army had the idea of people will be afraid, they won’t go to the street anymore and that we can hold the power. People saw it already in Egypt and they didn’t accept this. After the big massacre, people went to the streets more and more. The last demo was 30th of the July and in every city there were not less than 2-3 million people.

In Sudan, violence is not something new for us, we have had it since 30 years. This government is killing people since 20 years but people don’t talk about it. All other powers, especially Europe, because of controlling refugees don’t talk about it because of their own interests.

If you see how many people died in the revolution since 8 months maybe we can say 500-600 people. But now, revolution succeeded to reach something. But if people had used violence, maybe millions of people would have died and there wouldn’t have been any success.

T: If there weren’tany street actions, would the soldiers do a coup against the Omar al-Bashir regime? Is there is a big difference between today’s military and the Bashir’s regime?

A: First, if people did not go to the streets, they would not do anything. They are under pressure, because people are on the streets everyday. And that’s why people made the sit-in in front of the army building. This has to do for a long time with the history of Sudan, old revolutions have happened here before. People are going to streets and the army stayed on the side of the people and supported people and take the dictators out. This was happening two times in Sudan already.

For sure they would not do it, because for 30 years they didn’t do it. Because of the pressure by people they are doing. Now the difference is: people take their right on their hand. People are going to streets everyday, everywhere in Sudan opposition parties are making events, discussions and they don’t need to register. Even, it is better than what is going on in Europe. In Europe you have to call the police and ask for demonstration. In Sudan people are going to demo without telling to police. People took their right in their hand.

And in the constitution it will be written that people have the right to demonstrate. Police will not have the right stop people without any reason. Before, the Security service in Sudan had the right to do everything. They could arrest you, they could kill you. They were taking so much power from the president. But from now on it will be just an institution to collect information and give to police under the law.

T: With the Arab Spring there were revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt. But the revolutions were stolen by the different powers inside the states or by the international powers. Do the people who are doing the revolution in Sudan have a prevention to stop this? Or can also Sudan revolution be stolen?

A: I don’t think so. Because, if you look at the constitution now, it will be built in a way that the old regime will not exist anymore. I think the problem with the all other revolutions in different Arabic countries is that they change the president but they don’t change the constitution. That means, people who are working for dictators still have the power and can bring us new dictators. People in Sudan learned from it. They say they need to change the whole constitution. That’s why there will be a new parliament where only people who were doing the revolution will be sitting.

The only way for the army or a dictator to come back again is to make a coup again. But also people will not accept this, people will go to streets again. Structures are not in the hands of the army anymore.

When in Egypt people did the revolution they just took out the only Husnu Mubarak, but the regime stayed. Exactly this is what’s happening also now in Algeria. The President of Algeria is away, but the whole constitution is there and the whole government is there.

T: Inside Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC) there were different groups like the Sudanese Communist Party, but also there were  anti-capitalist Muslims with the tradition of Mahmoud Mohammed Taha. What kind of groups is there in FFC and what is their ratios as power?

A: There are really left, anti-capitalist groups like Communist Party or Republican Party (anti-capitalist Muslims, Mahmoud Mohammed Taha). There are also different communist groups like Movement of Right (Harakat Haqq). They are also part of this coalition. Then, the other side, you see also traditional parties like the Union Party and the Umma Party.

In the constitution any kind of discrimination like race, religion, gender won’t be accepted.

And all agree on this and reached this point. Now, in Sudan, the left ideology is more accepted in society, because Omar al-Bashir government did everything in the name of Islam and Sharia for 30 years. That’s why, in the future, when people go to the streets, the first things they will demand that religion shouldn’t be a part of politics anymore. Religion has to stay in mosques and churches. There has to be a clear division.

But we shouldn’t forget that Sudan is an African country where the structure is not really strong. There is big movements that don’t want capitalism anymore, at the same time there is a big group of people thinking we need to develop the country, we need to have nice buildings, like thinking in a capitalist way. The next step is to not allow capitalism get power in Sudan. This is our next fight.

For example, I’m part of different groups doing politics since 2002, now also in Germany since 2012. But we are kind of a capitalist group, thinking Sudan has to be like Europe, like Germany. An important part of us saying no to it. We say now, until revolution maybe we are friends, but after the revolution we will be enemies. We will fight against capitalism, because we see what capitalism have done to the people. We don’t want capitalism to be strong in Sudan.

T: People who are on the streets leading and joining the revolution, what are the people’s professions? Were they workers, villagers or unemployed? What are their ages, what are their classes?

A: In the beginning it was generally young people who were in the street. First 3-4 months so many young people were on the streets, especially students and workers. I can put inside the workers from the doctors till the unemployed. Also, unemployed people organized themselves and making their own block. Also women did their own block.

But the interesting thing is that the whole society participated in it. Who was not going to streets tried to organize safe places for the people when they got attacked by the police and army. When there was a demo going on and a attack happened by police, old people stayed in front of their doors, opened their door and hid young people.

People, who are out of Sudan, for example in Europe, were preparing themselves from the beginning, spread the information, did info events, organized money, did demonstrations, talked about the involvement of imperialist countries and how they don’t want revolution to be successful.

T: How was the interest to the Sudan revolution from the left wing or opposition movements in Europe?

A: Unfortunately, there was not such a big interest in it. For example, in Berlin, we were fighting hard to just bring the voice of revolution to different groups, even to the streets. We were not really supported by any group. After 3-4 months, when the revolution was getting violent by the army, different left parties tried to lighten the issue but it was not really what were hoping for.

We shouldn’t also forget that Europe has a big interest in not changing Sudan, because the Bashir regime was working for Europe since 2014, for example in Khartum Process, a deal between Europe and African countries to stop African refugees to come to Europe. For that deal, the Sudanese old government got so much money, got training from European countries to control the borders.

I was writing everyday press releases about the situation in Sudan and was sending them to all parties from SPD to the Left Party (Die Linke) and I didn’t get any answer from them. After 2 months we could get an answer from Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung to make an info event about Sudan.

2 months before, when revolution was almost successful, we had a talk with one Left Party member from Germany Bundestag. We worked together and she held a Bundestag sitting where she asked about Sudan revolution and the money Germany gave to the Sudanese old government. But not more.

We made a sit-in in front of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Germany and we went inside the ministry and handed over our demands. We had also a demo in front of EU and we made a call of Sudanese people living in Europe. There, we also gave our demands to stop this deal with Sudan. Our work succeeded to put pressure in government of EU. EU stopped to give money for training the police of Sudan.

The new government will come and they will try to talk again about the deal. This is also our next step to work in Germany as Sudanese community here. Because we are sure to face deportations in Germany or in Europe. Because they will say now, Sudan is democracy then you have to go. They will try to activate the Khartum process.

Unfortunately, there is no international solidarity from left groups or even from left parties. From my side, I wouldn’t focus on leftist parties – I would focus on leftist groups. But leftist groups, they are not interested. Maybe it has to do with the fact that Sudan is far away. They never called for demo revolution in Sudan until now. And I was really thinking like: Is this about racism? This has because African people are not worth it? Are they not equal in the mind of leftists? They are really far away and cannot have any contact with African revolution?

For me, what’s happening in Sudan now, is really politically close to the leftist scene. A revolution hold by people, starting with autonomous structure, where people succeeded to kick out the dictator, where women take the lead. There was not really an interest in these issues. I’m questioning myself from time to time to understand the reason. And I couldn’t see a reason until now. But maybe we have to wait for the activists of the leftist scene to tell us why they don’t have any interest in the revolution of Sudan.

Refugees need freedom, not handouts

refugees welcome but

An Essay by Political Activist Adam Bahar

refugees welcome but

refugees welcome, but…

In this thought provoking essay Adam Bahar outlines the death of the ‘welcoming culture’ for refugees in Germany.  He demonstrates how Germany has been directly responsible for supporting several  dictators in the global South and how the Federal Republic is responsible for continuing to impose borders….

The article is part of series abut the refugees issue some activists from different countries involved in writing.You can view all the contributions written in arabic and translated in english for the Series here

Adam Bahar is a political activist from Sudan, currently living in exile in Germany and fighting in the refugee movement in Berlin, Germany and Europe.

3 articles also by Adam Bahar

 

الاجئين يحتاجون الحرية لا المساعدات

      كأحد الناشطين في مجال حقوق الاجئين وكمهاجر عايشت كل الظروف التي يمر بها الاجئين القادمين الي أوربا، تدور

refugee welcome culture in Germany

اللاجئين الثقافة ترحيب

 

دوما في ذهني أسئلة عاصفة لا تهدا احاول هنا ان أشارككم إياها ! 

هل فعلا نجد في ألمانيا في ارض الواقع  تلك الشعارات التي يرددها الاعلام هذه الأيام وخاصة المستشارة الألمانية. إنجيلا ميركل حين صرحت ( لقد حققنا ذلك ) ! هل فعلا تحقق ما يحب فعله لتمكين ثقافة الترحيب بالاجئين وفي نفس الوقت تمتلئ شوارع مدن ألمانيا المختلفة بالمتظاهرين من حركة المعادين للإسلام والأجانب ( بغيدا) وهل تمكن هؤلاء المعادين للاجانب من حرق اكثر من مئة مركز إيواء مستقبلي للاجئين يعكس ثفافة الترحيب ؟ وهل ذلك يعني ترحيبا حين يتمكن البرلمان الألماني من اجازة قوانين جديدة تمنع وتقيد حرية الحركة للاجئين وتلزمهم بالبقاء مدة أطول في معسكرات اللجوء المتردية وحتي تعيد توزيع اكل معلب جاهز وتمنع دفع مبلغ مالي للإعاشة واستبداله بكبونات ؟ هل تسير في طريق الترحيب ؟ ان سياسة جزء كبير من المجتمع الألماني الذين يحاولون ان ينشروا ثفافة الترحيب  بجعل الاجئين كضحايا يحتاجون المساعدة ويتناسون سياسة حكومتهم التي تدعم كل أشكال عدم الاستقرار في المناطق الآخري ويتناسون ان ألشركات الألمانية مازالت تصدر السلاح لمناطق النزاع علي سبيل المثال صفقات السلاح للسعودية التي تقود النزاع في اليمن تحت مسمي دعم الشرعية ،ودعم أوربا للدكتاتوريات في افريقيا كاتفاقية مايسمي (Khartoum process) الذي وقعه الاتحاد الأوربي مع اكبر ديكتاتوريات افريقيا ( السودان – اريتريا -جنوب السودان ) من اجل إيقاف تدفق الاجئين من افريقيا الذين ياتؤن او يمرون بهذا الدول مقابل دعم مالي سخي وتدريب كوادر لمراقبة اكثر للحدود وحتي انشاء مراكز إيواء خارج أوربا في هذه الدول وما الاتفاقية. الاخيرة بين ألمانيا وتركيا بعيدة عن هذا المجال ! 

ان ثفافة الترحيب فشلت فشلا ذريعا في ألمانيا مع كل هذه القيود الجديدة خاصة اذا علمنا ان من نتائج حركة احتجاجات الاجئين التي بدأت في العام ٢٠١٢ ومستمره حتي الان هي ابطال قوانين حرية الحركة ومنح الاجئين حق الحركة في داخل الحدود الألمانية والذي وافق عليه البرلمان الألماني في بداية العام ٢٠١٥ وسحبه اخيراً في شهر أكتوبر ٢٠١٥ فقط بجرة قلم لهو الضربة القاضية لثقافة الترحيب ، ما يجب ان يفعل من اجل حلول موضعية لإشكاليات الاجئين بجب ان تتعدي القوانين يجب ان يبذل جهد اكبر في إيقاف الحروب ودعم الدكتاتوريات فقط من اجل حماية حدود أوربا ،يجب ان نقاتل سويا كمهاجرين ولاجئين ومواطنين ألمان من اجل وقف نشر مزيد من العنصرية من قبل الحكومة بسنها لقوانين العزلة هذه ، والمهم ان لا نتخذ دوما طريق جعل الاجئين كضحايا يحتاجون فقط للمساعدة  يجب ان يكون التضامن سياسيا فلا يحتاج الاجئ فقط للطعام والشراب بقدر ما يحتاج للحرية والامان من اعتداءات المعادين للاجانب ويحتاج للحماية من قوانين تجعله يعيش دكتاتورية جديدة تشل حركته وتسلب حريته في بلدان يقال انها ديمقراطية .